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Gurdwara reform movement from 1920s and its importance

September 11, 2021

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This article is written by Ridhima Purwar, from Symbiosis Law School, Noida. The article extensively talks about the Akali reform movement and the Sikh Gurdwara Act, 1925.

Introduction

The Akali movement of the 1920s, which began as a strictly religious movement to reform Gurdwaras, or Sikh holy temples, quickly took on a political dimension and became an integral component of India’s liberation struggle. Aside from being anti-imperialist, the Akali movement, also known as the Gurdwara Reform Movement or Gurdwara agitations, describes the Sikhs’ long protracted battle in the early twentieth century for the freedom of their Gurudwara or holy temple. The non-violent agitation marches, divans or religious meetings, and protests for Sikhs to express their freedom to control their place of worship drew passionate support, particularly from the rural people. Finally, the government had to give in to public demand and enable the Sikhs to administer their shrines; the Gurdwara Act of 1925 created the SGPC, a Sikh representation organisation, custodian of all significant Sikh sites of worship.

Launch of the movement

The British administration had taken possession of several Gurdwaras, including the Golden Temple, Akal Takhat, and Baba Atai in Amritsar, as well as Tarn Taran Sahib. The administration had been exploiting gurdwaras for political reasons since they had a great religious appeal for the Sikh population. The remaining 260 gurdwaras were permitted to stay in the hands of Mahants (Priests). The Mahants had been living a lavish existence while caged up in a safe place under the fostering care of the British government. In certain gurdwaras, Mahants also practised Hindu traditions such as idol worship, which were antithetical to Sikhism’s beliefs.

Beginning in the early twentieth century, Sikhs began to demand that the gurdwaras be returned to the Panth. They seized control of the Golden Temple, Akal Takhat, and a few other gurdwaras through persuasion and non-violent means. They also agreed to establish a central religious organisation to oversee the operation of the Gurdwaras. The Akal Takhat issued a hukamnama summoning a general assembly of all Sikhs to Amritsar on November 15, 1920, for this purpose.

To begin with, the government purposefully maintained a neutral stance towards the Gurdwara Reform Movement. The government anticipated that by keeping Sikhs occupied with this activity, they would not join the Non-Cooperation. Furthermore, the government was unwilling to take any serious action against Sikh reformers, fearing that repression might push them to join Non-Cooperation. However, the administration was irritated when, on October 19, the Central Sikh League, a political organisation of the Sikh middle class, decided to adopt Non-Cooperation under the influence of Congress. The government now worried that the Central Sikh League’s extreme Sikh leadership would seize control of the organisation. As a result, barely two days before the meeting at Akal Takhat, the government created a provisional Committee for gurdwara management. Except for a few reformers, it was dominated by loyalist Sikhs, with Harbans Singh Atari as President.

This Committee, however, was unpopular with Sikhs since its members were chosen by the government without consulting the Panth. As previously stated, a conference was convened at Akal Takhat, and an organisation known as the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee (hereinafter referred to as SGPC) was created to administer Gurdwaras. It had a total of 175 members. It also comprised 36 members of the government’s interim committee. Under its Constitution, any baptised Sikh of 21 years of age or older was granted the right to vote. Sunder Singh Majithia and Harbans Singh Atari were elected President and Vice-President during the organization’s first meeting on December 12, 1920. They were members of the Chief Khaba Diwan, a loyalist organisation led by the Sikh nobility. Perhaps it was because of this faithful leadership that the government did not resist the SGPC’s takeover of the Golden Temple and other gurdwaras. The administration believed that the Gurdwara Reform Movement, led by loyalists, would follow constitutional guidelines.

Another Sikh organisation, the Shiromani Akali Dal, was founded on December 20, 1920, to reform gurdwaras via moral pressure. Although it was an independent organisation, it typically followed the SGPC’s orders. Even before the formation of the SGPC, Akalis were striving to reform gurdwaras. They organised into Jathas, and their leaders were known as Jathedars. These local Jathas were now merged in a single entity known as the ‘Shiromani Akali Dal.’ It was mostly made up of Sikh Jat peasants, craftsmen, skilled and unskilled labour, and retired warriors.

Daily Akali got launched

On 11 November 1920, the daily Punjabi newspaper “Akali” was launched from Lahore, thanks to the efforts of Harchand Singh and Master Sunder Singh of Lyallpur. In its very first issue, the Akali proposed the following programme for the Akali movement:

To bring Gurdwaras under the democratic control of Sikhs.
To bring Khalsa College, Amritsar, also under the democratic control of Sikhs.
Reconstruction of the wall of Gurdwara Rikabganj, Delhi
To create a political awakening among Sikhs and arouse them to participate in the national freedom struggle.
To set up an organisation of Sikhs on a democratic basis.

As a result of Akali promotion, Akali Jatha sprang up in towns and the countryside. Members of this jatha donned black turbans, carried kirpans, and swore to make all sacrifices for the sacred cause of life.

The Gurdwara reform movement is significant in three respects

It created a sense of confidence among the Indians that the British could be forced to meet their genuine demands through non-violent mass movement;
It brought the Akali Dal and the Congress leadership very close to each other, giving a great impetus to the freedom movement in Punjab;
The Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee and the Akali Dal provided the institutional and organizational structure to respond to the aspirations of the newly mobilized Sikh masses, and in the process, it acted as the training ground for the emerging Sikh

Reformation throughout the movement

Gurdwara Babe-di-Ber

Babe-di-Ber in Sialkot was the first Gurdwara to be changed via agitation. The gurdwara, which was erected in remembrance of Guru Nanak’s visit to that location, became known as Babe-di-Ber because the Guru sat under a Ber tree there. This was the first location where the British authorities clashed with Sikh reformers. When Harnam Singh, the Mahant of this gurdwara, died, his widow chose her little son as his successor under the supervision of one Ganda Singh, an Honorary Magistrate.

The Golden Temple and Akal Takht

Corrupt and non-Sikh practices in the precincts of the Golden Temple and the Akal Takht at Amritsar and official control over its management had been a source of great discontent among the Sikhs long before the beginning of the reform movement. While the reformers were anxious to free these central seats of the Sikh religion from evil influences and official control as early as possible, the British authorities in Punjab resisted any effort at reform or change in the existing system of management which would deprive it of the privilege of using (rather misusing) the religious places of the Sikhs to consolidate their power and to weaken their political opponents.

Sarbrah (gurdwara managers) chosen by the government exploited the gurdwaras’ large donations for their job. Gifts for the gurdwaras gradually made their way to the houses of the Sarbrah and other priests. Pundits and astrologers began to utilise the precincts, and idols were openly worshipped within the gurdwara grounds. With the broad awakening of the Sikhs in the early twentieth century, they began to oppose these more wicked influences. Recognizing the situation, no attempt at purification or betterment could be made until the gurdwaras were free of government authority. As a result, several intellectual Sikhs banded together and launched the Gurdwara Reform Movement.

Gurdwara Panja Sahib

Gurdwara Panja Sahib was likewise under the influence of the corrupt mahant, who exploited the gurdwara’s offerings for his gain. According to the tale of Panja Sahib, a Jatha of 25 Akalis marched from Amritsar to Panja Sahib on November 18, 1920, under the command of Bhai Kartar Singh Jhabbar. The next day, when the Jatha was playing Kirtan, the new Mahant announced in a vehement speech that the Akalis had no regard for the gurdwara and requested them to leave immediately. The Akalis, on the other hand, insisted on allowing the Jatha to finish the Kirtan. The Mahant’s followers jumped up and began insulting Kartar Singh Jhabbar and other members of his Jatha while the Jatha was still playing the Kirtan, resulting in a fight.

The Akalis saw this as an excellent chance to accomplish their goal. As a sign of their dominance over the gurdwara, Jathedar Kartar Singh Jhabbar took possession of the cash box containing the daily offerings and proclaimed the Mahant a Tankhahia, not to be permitted to visit the shrine until he went to the Akal Takht “to seek pardon for his deeds.” The Mahant’s efforts to reclaim control of the gurdwara were futile, and the Gurdwara Panja Sahib slipped into the hands of reformers, who quickly created a representative management council to oversee it.

The Darbar Sahib, Tarn Taran

The Gurdwara Darbar Sahib, located fifteen kilometres from Amritsar, was managed in the same manner as the Golden Temple and the Akal Takht. During Arur Singh’s reign, the Mahants of Tarn Taran became more or less self-sufficient and established a slew of bad practices within the gurdwara’s walls. Local reform movement leaders encouraged the mahants to modify their methods, but there was no change in the mahant’s behaviour. Instead of listening to the members of the jatha who urged the mahant to organise for the recitation of Asa-di-Var on 11 January 1921, the Mahants are alleged to have beaten up the members of the jatha with lathis.

Later, via the Commissioner of Lahore, a settlement was reached between the mahant and the local reformers. However, the mahant’s behaviour remained unchanged. The word of the immoral acts started to arrive. For a lasting solution to this dilemma, a group of 40 Sikhs travelled to Tarn Taran to consult with the mahant. The mahant consented to the creation of a Joint Committee to address the disagreement, which was a ruse to buy time before an assault. They even declared their intention to accept the plan late at night and requested that the Akalis provide a fair copy of the agreement to be signed by them.

Instead of giving the paper to the Akalis while they waited for it to be signed, the mahant launched an attack. Some of the jatha members who were inside the gurdwara were badly injured. The mahant fought with lathis, daggers, and brickbats. The sacred site was quickly covered with the blood of the injured Akali volunteers, two of whom died as a result of their injuries. When the District Magistrate and other authorities learned of this, they went to the location to speak with the leaders of both sides. The mahant was prohibited from accessing the gurdwara by an official order until the case was eventually settled by the Parbandhak Committee. As a result of the gurdwara falling into the hands of reformers, a Provisional Committee of Management was created in the interim, pending the formation of a formal agreement by the S.G.P.C.

The Nankana Holocaust

Nankana, being Guru Nanak’s birthplace, has the most significant position among Sikh places of religious worship. Aside from the gurdwara at Janam Asthan, where the Guru was born, there are around a half-dozen more shrines associated with various events in the Guru’s early life. After being appointed as the Mahant of Gurdwara Janam Asthan in Nankana Sahib, Mahant Narain Das began to lead an immoral life. With time, he began to indulge in the normal vices. He is believed to have married a Muhammadan drummer’s wife, welcomed dancing ladies to the complex of Gurdwara Nankana Sahib, and allowed profane singing even in the hallowed confines of Janam Asthan. The Akali reformers were drawn to this condition of things in Nankana Sahib.

A resolution was approved urging Mahant Narain Das to change his methods and clean up the temple administration. Instead of reforming or even reaching a compromise with the Akalis, Narain Das proceeded to gather a powerful army to oppose the Akali Movement. Furthermore, on February 20, 1921, a group of 150 Sikhs came to pay their respects at the gurdwara. Not only were they not permitted to access the hallowed sanctuary, but Mahant Narain Das’ private army assaulted them with guns and ammunition. Sikhs were reciting religious chants. The onslaught came on fast and furious, with bullets raining down from all sides. Bhai Lachman Das, who had gotten into the shrine and was chanting Sri Guru Granth Sahib, was also shot on the spot. While Gurbani was on his lips, he died instantaneously. The holy book was also damaged and had blood stains on it. The Mahant was outside the main gate with a gun in his hand, riding on horseback and commanding the entire operation. He was yelling at the top of his lungs, “Don’t let a single Sikh out alive, finish them, finish them! Nobody should be able to escape.” Six people who were standing close to the Mahant were murdered by the Mahant’s men and put into the potter’s kiln. Firewood and kerosene oil were taken out of the temple and a fire was started. All of the dead and injured were tossed into it and devoured by fire in minutes. Others were chained to a tree and burned alive.

The entire country was stunned as word of these heinous killings spread. It elicited a lot of sympathy for the Sikhs, and there was a lot of pressure put on the Mahant and his minions. There were representations made to the government. The Governor of Punjab paid a visit to the location of the crime and was greatly touched by what he saw. A few days later, Mahatma Gandhi paid a visit to the spot. The authorities were obliged to take action against the wrongdoing of Mahant, who was eventually apprehended along with his hired help. The government delegated control of the gurdwara to a committee of seven Sikhs.

The Keys’ Affair

In October 1920, the Akalis took possession of the Golden Temple, the Akal Takht, and the neighbouring Gurdwaras. Though the S.G.P.C. and the Committee formed by it essentially managed the business of the Golden Temple, the fact that the keys to the Toshakhana remained in the hands of a Government-chosen Manager gave the reformers the impression that the government retained authority over the gurdwaras. The S.G.P.C. The Executive Committee instructed Sardar Sunder Singh Ramgarhia to give over the keys to Sardar Kharak Singh, the president of the S.G.P.C., during its meeting on October 29, 1921. However, the British-appointed manager refused to accept the S.G.P.C.’s demand. As a result, a conflict arose between the Committee and the British authorities. Many meetings were conducted to compromise, but no results were reached. However, the British authorities eventually agreed to hand over the keys to the Committee. On January 17, 1922, a Punjab Government gazette official was dispatched to give the keys to Baba Kharak Singh, president of the S.G.P.C.

Guru-ka-Bagh Morcha

A big conflict erupted between the Akalis and the British Government at Amritsar’s Gurudwara Guru ka Bagh. The Gurdwara Guru ka Bagh is around 20 kilometres from Amritsar in the town of Ghukkewali. Mahant Sunder Das was in charge of the Gurdwara. On August 23, 1921, he embraced baptism and subjected himself to the jurisdiction of an elected management body of 11 members selected by the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee. However, the Gurdwara’s land remained in his control. Langer used to get firewood from the Sikhs who lived on the site. The mahant grumbled about having to chop firewood. Five Akali sewadars were arrested and charged with criminal trespass on August 9, 1922. The Akalis convened in Guru ka Bagh, where police dispersed them and arrested leaders such as Mehtab Singh and Master Tara Singh.

The Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee accepted the challenge and planned to organise a morcha, with Jathas of 100 Akalis each marching towards Guru Ka Bagh. The clash between the police and the passive resisters lasted 19 days. A total of 5605 Akalis had been detained, and hundreds had been injured. On September 13, 1922, Lt-Governor of Punjab Sir Edward Maclagan visited Guru Ka Bagh and stopped the beating of Sikh volunteers. Sir Ganga Ram’s offices were used to address the problem.(Harbans Singh “The encyclopedia of Sikhism”) On November 17, 1922, Sir Ganga Ram leased the garden property from Mahant Sunder Dass. He granted the Akalis access to the garden. On April 27, 1923, the Punjab Government issued instructions for the convicts’ release. The Akalis seized Guru Ka Bagh as well as contested territory. It was the Akali reformers’ second significant victory over the British government.

Jaito Morcha

The British ousted Maharaja Ripudaman Singh of Nabha because he sympathised with nationalists and the Akali movement. The S.G.P.C. promised the Maharaja its complete backing. An Akhand Path of Guru Granth Sahib was started in July 1923 in Jaito in Nabha State for the reinstatement of the ousted Maharaja Ripudaman Singh. On September 1st, it was agreed that the Jathas, made up of 25 Akalis, would look into this matter. The police used oppressive measures to try to put an end to the Akand Path. These Akalis were apprehended by the state police. The S.G.P.C. agreed to dispatch daily Jathas from Amritsar’s Akal Takht to Jaito. Protesters were detained, beaten, and kicked as they were carried inside the Jaito Fort. The Government of Punjab proclaimed the S.G.P.C. and S.A.D illegal organisations in an order dated October 12, 1923, and detained 59 Akali leaders. The Indian National Congress expressed its complete support for the Akali cause. Members of the All India Congress Committee, including Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, K. Santhanam, and A.T. Gidwani, joined the Akali Jatha. They were apprehended and sent to Nabha Jail. Finally, the Punjab government succumbed and agreed to hand over the management of the Gurdwara to the Akalis.

Sikh Gurdwaras Act, 1925

The Punjab Legislative Council passed a legislation that marked the culmination of the Sikh people’s struggle from 1920 to 1925 to reclaim control of their places of worship from the mahants or priests into whose hands they had passed during the eighteenth century when the Khalsa were driven from their homes to seek safety in remote hills and deserts. When the Sikhs gained control of Punjab, they renovated their shrines, endowing them with enormous jagirs and estates. The management, on the other hand, remained with the priests, most of the Udasi sect, who, following the arrival of the British in 1849, began to see the shrines and lands linked to them as their personal property, diverting the revenue coming from them to their use. Some of them freely alienated or sold gurdwara holdings. They had instituted a ceremony, which was frowned upon by traditional Sikhs. Furthermore, there were allegations of immorality levelled against them. All of these causes contributed to the Gurdwara Reform movement, during which Sikhs were imprisoned on a massive scale and subjected to atrocities and murder.

Brief analysis

As stated in the preamble, the purpose of the Act was to provide for better management of some Sikh gurdwara and inquiries into problems and the resolution of disputes related to them. The Act is divided into three sections.

Part I

In addition to basic topics such as title, scope, and definitions, references to gurdwaras covered by the Act, this part also includes processes for bringing further gurdwaras under the Act’s jurisdiction and the appointment and procedures for a Gurdwara Tribunal. Surprisingly, the defining Section does not define a Sikh gurdwara; instead, a later sentence, Section 2.10 defines a registered Sikh gurdwara as any gurdwara proclaimed to be a Sikh gurdwara by notification of the local authority under the provisions of this Act.

Schedule I of this chapter (Sections 3–11) and the schedules referred to therein are essential components of the Act. There will be two types of Sikh gurdwaras: scheduled and unscheduled. Schedule I of the Act lists significant historical shrines where there can be no dispute that they are Sikh gurdwaras undeniably held by Sikhs. Originally, this Schedule included 241 gurdwaras, 65 of which remained in Pakistan following the partition of Punjab. However, the amending Act of 1959, added 173 additional gurdwaras inside the states of Patiala and the East Punjab States Union to it. Schedule II provides information on establishments that were not Sikh gurdwaras and over which no challenge could be brought. The State Government published a notification in the official Gazette proclaiming the gurdwaras mentioned in these two schedules, or the scheduled gurdwaras, to be Sikh gurdwaras. The notification also listed the property that each gurdwara claimed.

In the case of the second category, i.e. gurdwaras other than the Scheduled Gurdwaras listed in Schedule I, Section 7 of the Act states that fifty or more worshippers, who are 21 years of age and live in the area of the police station in which a Gurdwara is located, may submit an application to the State Government within the prescribed time, detailing the property claimed to be of religious significance. By notification, the State Government publishes this application and seeks objections, if any, from either a hereditary office-holder of that institution or at least twenty worshipers thereof to be lodged within ninety days of the notification’s date. If no such petition is made, the Government notes that the gurdwara is a Sikh gurdwara.

If an objection petition is filed, the case is forwarded to the Sikh Gurdwaras Tribunal for resolution. The Sikh Gurdwaras Body, a high-powered tribunal of three members presided over by a current or retired High Court judge, is provided for in Chapter III of Part I of the Act (Section 12-37). An appeal against a Tribunal decision is limited to the High Court and must be considered by a two-judge panel. The criterion for deciding whether the challenged institution is a Sikh Gurdwara or not is if the gurdwara was utilised for public worship by Sikhs before too and at the time of the petition’s presentation and whether the Tribunal further determines that the gurdwara established

By or in memory of any of the Ten Gurus of the Sikhs; or
Owing to some tradition connected with one of the Ten Gurus; or
Owing to some incident connected with the life of any of the Ten Gurus; or
In memory of a Sikh martyr, saint or historical person; or
For use by Sikhs for public worship Sikhs.

Part II

The sole Section 38 of Part II of the Act stipulates that if the benefit of the Part I procedure was not taken, ordinary civil courts may be used to seek a declaration that a certain institution was a Sikh gurdwara. When it is eventually determined that the gurdwara is a Sikh gurdwara, the State Government provides the required notification, and the provisions of Part III of the Act related to the gurdwara administration become applicable to it. The Act also includes procedures for resolving disputes over gurdwara properties.

Part III

This Part of the Act is known as the Gurdwara Central Board, which took the name Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee at its inaugural meeting (S.G.P.C. for short). The government approved the name change and published it in a notification dated 17 January 1927. The Committee directly oversees some significant Sikh gurdwaras and monitors the work of gurdwara committees, which are partly nominated by the Committee and partially elected by the voters of the district in which the gurdwara is located. According to a 1987 modification to the Act, all gurdwaras having an annual income of more than 25,000 rupees are governed directly by the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee. The Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee is made up of 140 members, 15 of whom are Scheduled Castes. They are elected by Sikhs, which includes Sahajdhari Sikhs, over the age of 21, who have their names entered on the electoral rolls by submitting a declaration that they are eligible to vote under the Act. Ex-officio members include the chief priest of Sri Darbar Sahib and the Takhts.

The aforementioned members then co-opt fifteen members, not more than five of whom must be Punjab residents. A member who is elected or co-opted must be a Sikh who is at least 25 years old. A person who trims or shaves his beard or head, save for Sahajdhari Sikhs, smokes or consumes alcoholic beverages is ineligible to be a member or voter. Kesadhari members must be Amritdharis. Other ministers and paid staff of the Sikh Gurdwaras or the Board (now the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee) are ineligible for election as members of the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee.

The usual tenure of S.G.P.C. is five years, although it remains in office until a new Committee is elected. Detailed regulations are governing the disqualification of members, Committee meetings, elections of the executive committee and other office-bearers, and their respective powers. A judicial commission of three members is established by the State Government to handle issues about any act of the current or previous members and the operation of the Committee, as well as to settle any accusation of malfeasance or misfeasance.

The Act provides specific measures for the S.G.P.C. and its committees’ budgets. The General Fund, which cannot exceed 10% of total yearly income, is used to maintain ancient gurdwaras with insufficient income. The excess, if any, may be used for religious or philanthropic reasons, as well as for the Panth’s social or general welfare. The Religious Fund was established to promote the Sikh faith and related issues. The S.G.P.C. will provide a minimum yearly donation of Rs. 20,000 to the Research Fund, which will be used to research Sikh history and publish publications. The Committee can also create and administer funds for specific purposes such as industrial or educational advancement of the community.

Amendment of 1944

For more than a half-century, several flaws in the Act’s operation were addressed by consecutive Amending Acts. The most comprehensive modification was undertaken through an amendment to Act XI of 1944. Giani Kartar Singh, a member of the Punjab Legislative Assembly at the time, proposed the change. Some of the most notable clauses included in it were: 12 seats on the S.G.P.C. were allocated for Mazhabi and Ramdasia Sikhs; the tenure of SGPC was raised from 3 to 5 years; staff of the S.G.P.C. were also made liable to legal action for misuse of official authority (before only members of the committee were so responsible); Plural constituencies for S.G.P.C. elections were abolished and replaced by single-member constituencies; the S.G.P.C. was only allowed to change the percentage of dasvandh or share in the income of gurdwaras under its control; the government was to have no authority to intervene; the S.G.P.C. was to be independent in allocating the budget for religious preaching, charities, education, industry, and other purposes.

Despite criticism of some of its provisions and flaws in its implementation, the Act represents a watershed moment, notably barring government involvement and acknowledging Sikhs’ freedom to administer their gurdwaras through elected representatives. Rituals and behaviours that were antithetical to Sikh beliefs that were popular before the Act’s passage in 1925 have been prohibited. The Sikhs have long advocated for a comprehensive Act that applies to all gurdwaras in India. Gurdwaras Bill was drafted in 1979 by an Advisory Committee led by Sardar Harbans Singh, former Chief Justice of Punjab, following consultation with Sikh delegates from all across India, and presented to the Central Government.

Amendment of 2016

The Government introduced the Sikh Gurdwaras (Amendment) Bill, 2016 before the Rajya Sabha in an attempt to repeal the exemption granted to Sahjdhari Sikhs under the Sikh Gurdwaras Act, 1925, which allowed them to vote in elections for members of the Board and the Committee established under the Sikh Gurdwaras Act, 1925. The Act came into effect on October 8, 2003, and removed this exception retroactively. The following are the particular modifications made to the parent Act:

The provision of Section 49 has been changed to eliminate the exception allowing Sehjdhari Sikhs to have their names recorded on the electoral roll of a constituency formed for the election of members of the Board. The provision of Section 92 has been changed to eliminate the exception allowing Sehjdhari Sikhs to have their names recorded on the electoral roll of a constituency for the election of members of a committee or a local committee.

The Bill proposed had been passed by the parliament and the act now stands amended accordingly.

Conclusion

The Gurdwara Reform Movement altered the nature of Sikh Gurdwaras, which became important sites of protest against loyalist institutions. The most significant success of this campaign, which was one of India’s greatest, longest, fiercest, and most popular public uprisings against colonial authority, was to obtain for the Sikhs. Absolute control over about 250 gurdwaras with an income of Rs. 20 lakhs at the time. (Richard G. Fox, Lions of the Punjab: Culture in the Making, New Delhi: Archives Publishers, 1987, p.79. ) It put a stop to the hereditary caretakers’ mismanagement and exploitation of the vast gurdwara finances. The Gurdwara Reform Movement grew in strength, and the British authorities consented to Akalis reformers’ requests. Thus, the Gurdwara Reform Movement succeeded.

References

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